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This Is
Your Brain. Aging.
Science is reshaping what we
know about getting older. (The news is better than you
think.)
Over the years,
Timothy Salthouse has tested more than 8,000
people in his lab at the University of Virginia,
assessing their memories, problem-solving
skills, and other mental functions to see how
the brain fares with age. The results have been
predictably dismal: after age 25 or so, it’s
pretty much all downhill. (No news there: Plato
wrote that when a man grows old, he "can no more
learn much than he can run much.") But something
bothered Salthouse about the results, and on a
late spring day in his office at the Russell
Sage Foundation on New York’s Upper East Side,
where he has been a visiting scholar this year,
he whips out a graph that captures the paradox.
The graph shows two
roller-coastering lines. One represents the
proportion of people of each age who are in the
top 25 percent on a standard lab test of
reasoning ability—thinking. The other shows the
proportion of CEOs of Fortune 500 companies of
each age. Reasoning ability peaks at about age
28 and then plummets, tracing that well-known
plunge that makes those older than 30 (OK, fine,
40) cringe: only 6 percent of top scorers are in
their 50s, and only 4 percent are in their 60s.
But the age distribution of CEOs is an almost
perfect mirror image: it peaks just before age
60. About half are older than 55. And the number
under 40 is about zero.
One can make a cheap
joke out of this (so that’s why AIG, GM, Lehman,
et al. tanked: the smartest people weren’t
running them), but Salt-house deduces more
counterintuitive, and hopeful, lessons. The
first is that in real life, rather than in psych
labs, people rely on mental abilities that stand
up very well to age and discover work-arounds
for the mental skills that do fade. The second
is that some mental abilities actually improve
with age, and one of them may be the inchoate
thing called wisdom, which is not a bad thing to
have when running a company. Little of the
gloom-and-doom conventional wisdom about what
happens to the brain as we age, says Salt-house,
"is based on well-established empirical
evidence." Instead, he says, much of it seems to
be "influenced as much by the authors'
preconceptions and attitudes as by systematic
evaluation" of solid data.
Insights like that
are producing a dramatic, and hopeful,
rethinking of what happens to the mind and brain
as we age. Some of the earlier bad-news findings
are being questioned as scientists discover that
the differences between today’s 20-year-old
brains and 80-year-old brains reflect something
other than simple age, and instead have to do
with how people live their lives. And a deeper
understanding of normal cognitive aging is
producing interventions that, because they
target the cell-level brain changes that
accompany aging, promise to be more effective
than memory exercises and crossword puzzles.
Take the claim that
brain volume shrinks beginning in our 30s.
Earlier studies suggested that the prefrontal
cortex (just behind the forehead) takes the
greatest hit; this is the region responsible for
executive function such as forethought,
reasoning, and "fluid" intelligence—the ability
to figure out, for instance, which letter best
continues the sequence G-B-F-C-E. But those
data, it turns out, may be skewed by the
inclusion of people who have very early
dementia—so early that they have no symptoms,
explains neuroscientist John Morrison of Mount
Sinai School of Medicine in New York, but still
have neuronal loss and thus volume loss in their
prefrontal cortex. If only truly healthy people
were studied, there might be no such volume
loss, he says.
Earlier studies also
found that myelination, the fatty insulation
around neurons, peaks in our late 20s and then
declines. Because myelin allows electrical
signals to travel through the brain more quickly
and efficiently, its loss means it takes longer
to connect a face with a name, a book with an
author, or any other facts. Its loss also makes
the brain "noisier," explains neuroscientist
Henry Mahncke of Posit Science: "It’s
like a radio that is no longer precisely tuned
to a station. It takes the brain more effort to
find that signal, and that takes resources away
from memory and thinking." But myelination loss,
according to new research, should come with an
asterisk. Most of it seems to occur on one
specific part of neurons—the part responsible
for learning new things. The part responsible
for long-term memory shows no such loss.
In fact, a study of
rhesus monkeys published this month shows how
well the aging brain holds up. The animals’
prefrontal cortex indeed loses "dendritic
spines," tiny protrusions that, acting as the
brain’s wide receivers, catch the
neurotransmitters that carry signals from other
neurons. But there are two kinds of spines in
monkeys as well as people. Small, thin ones are
responsible for learning and remembering new
things (where did I park my car?), and short,
stubby ones are responsible for recalling things
we’ve known for years. The brain loses some 45
percent of the first kind—and zero of the second
kind, Morrison and colleagues reported in June
in the Journal of Neuroscience.
That would account
for why we have trouble with new memories as we
age but not with our core knowledge. "We
hypothesize that expertise and knowledge are
coded in the synapses and spines that are not
lost with age," says Morrison. "This may be how
the brain retains what it learned decades ago,
and why a professor of cell biology can teach
well into his 80s." It may also be why, although
most people’s ability to reason and solve novel
problems declines with age, knowledge holds up
just fine, with vocabulary increasing through at
least age 60. Emotional intelligence, social
skills, and self-control generally improve with
age, too.
And as always,
individuals differ. In general, cognitive
processes such as processing speed—how quickly
the brain takes in and makes sense of
information from the outside world, as well as
how quickly signals propagate along a thinking
circuit—decline beginning in our 20s, just as
our respiratory and immune systems decline.
Memory and problem-solving improve into our 20s
and then plateau, beginning to decline in our
50s or 60s. But averages hide big individual
differences. The scores of some adults in their
60s on memory, problem--solving, and other
cognitive tests are above the average of adults
in their 20s. As anecdotal evidence, Salt-house
gestures down the hall to the office of
economist Robert Solow, 86, a Nobel laureate who
is as intellectually active as ever and
producing research papers that—and I’m going to
have to just quote here—"rejected the
representative-agent models that more or less
impose optimal properties on ob-served
trajectories" in macroeconomics.
We can’t all be
Solows, even in our 30s—let alone our 80s. But
clearly, some brains hold up better than others.
Some of the difference may be genetic, but since
we can’t go back and ask Mom and Dad to bequeath
us different genes, the possibilities for
intervention on this front are limited. That
leaves how we live our lives. Salt-house points
out that only about 20 percent of the variation
among people in standard measures of memory,
problem-solving, and other executive functions
is the result of age. The rest—64 to 96 percent
on different cognitive test scores, he estimates
in his new book, Major Issues in Cognitive
Aging—reflects factors other than age.
One such factor may
be generational. Many of the dismal conclusions
about aging come from what are called
cross-sectional comparisons: haul 20-somethings
and 60- to 80-somethings into the lab, test,
compare, repeat. The differences are supposed to
indicate what will happen to the first group
when they reach the age of the second. But that
may not be right. Consider a visitor to Miami.
She notices that most of the older people are
New York Jews, while many of the younger ones
are Latino. She concludes that as people age,
they change from Latino to Jewish.
We may be making a
similar mistake when we compare young and old
brains. The differences may not mean that mental
function falls off a cliff as we age. Instead,
warns Salt-house, many "age-related differences
[in brain function] could reflect generational
differences." The fact that more recent
generations outperform older ones belies the
idea that we are getting dumber, and is so well
established, it has its own name—the Flynn
effect. As a result, cross-sectional studies
finding that today’s 80-year-olds don’t think
and remember as well as today’s 30-year-olds may
be capturing this generational difference, and
thus painting a more pessimistic picture of the
aging brain than it warranted. When the same
people are measured over and over, says
Salthouse, "at least before about age 60" there
is "either stability or an increase" in brain
function with age.
The recognition that
so much of the difference in brain function is
due to something other than age has ignited a
market in interventions that might postpone,
mitigate, or even prevent some of the decline.
The largest study of interventions is ACTIVE
(Advanced Cognitive Training for Independent and
Vital Elderly), which began in 1998. It gave
2,832 adults, ages 65 to 94, either no training
(the control group) or training in reasoning,
memory, and processing speed in 10 sessions of
60 to 75 minutes each. The reasoning training,
for instance, gave people strategies for
breaking a problem into easier steps and
identifying patterns of relations. The memory
training involved strategies to form images or
associations: to remember a list of words that
includes penguin, scissors, and cupcake, for
instance, visualize the bird wielding the tool
while pecking the chocolate frosting.
As expected, people
got better at what they trained on. In general,
the gains were equal to turning back the clock
seven to 15 years for reasoning and remembering,
and even longer for processing speed. But there
was essentially no transfer: getting better at
memory did not sharpen reasoning, and faster
processing speeds did not improve memory.
Somewhat alarming was that after training, most
people’s performance fell even more
precipitously than it did without training. That
probably reflects the fact that for brain
training to "take," it has to be like aerobics,
says Mahncke: "We think that for each core
mental ability you want to train, you’ll need a
booster every nine to 12 months."
Doing crossword
puzzles would seem to be ideal brain exercise
since avid puzzlers do them daily and say it
keeps them mentally sharp, especially with
vocabulary and memory. But this may be confusing
cause and effect. It is mostly people who are
good at figuring out "Dole’s running mate" who
do crosswords regularly; those who aren’t,
don’t. In a recent study, Salt-house and
colleagues found "no evidence" that people who
do crosswords have "a slower rate of age-related
decline in reasoning." As he put it in a 2006
analysis, there is "little scientific evidence
that engagement in mentally stimulating
activities alters the rate of mental aging," an
idea that is "more of an optimistic hope than an
empirical reality." (P.S.: Bob Dole’s 1996 VP
choice was Jack Kemp.)
What does support
mental acuity as we age is the same thing that’s
good for your heart, lungs, immune system, and
muscles: aerobic exercise such as brisk walking.
A seminal study by scientists at the University
of Illinois found that three vigorous, 40-minute
walks a week over six months improves memory and
reasoning. It also spurs the birth of new brain
neurons, scientists led by the University of
Illinois’s Art Kramer reported in 2006, and
increases the volume of white matter, which
connects neurons, in areas responsible for such
executive functions as planning.
Walking is free, but
Americans spent $13 million on brain-fitness
software and games last year, Ambient Insight, a
market-research company, reported in April.
Nintendo’s Brain Age ($19.99), the Web-based
MyBrainTrainer ($29.95 for one year),
HappyNeuron’s Brain Fitness ($69.95), and the
like improve the skills they train, say
independent scientists: drilling yourself to hit
the right-arrow key when you see a green light
improves reaction time, doing exercises in which
you decide whether one face matches another will
speed up visual processing, and determining
whether words in a new list match any of those
in an old one boosts short-term memory. But as
in the ACTIVE study, it’s not clear these
improvements translate into a fitter brain
overall.
An approach that
targets the underlying brain processes might. A
computer-game-like program from Posit called
InSight ($395), for instance, includes an
exercise in which you discern which direction a
pattern on a screen is moving as a second
pattern appears before the brain is finished
processing the first. The idea is to turn up the
signal and dial down the noise in the brain. "We
think it’s important to fix the underlying
information-processing machine rather than
target higher-level functions like memory
directly," says Mahncke. "By training the brain
to improve its signal-to-noise ratio,
information goes through more accurately and
faster." A 2009 study found that healthy older
adults (65 and over) who used a Posit program
based on the same principle, Brain Fitness
($395), an hour per day for eight weeks improved
their processing speed to that of 40-year-olds
and their memory to that of brains 10 years
younger. And a study scheduled for publication
finds that such "perceptual training" improves
memory in older adults. It’s enough to give you
hopethat, for the brain, aging may become almost
optional.
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